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The
melting preparation of mines consisted of separation, washing,
crashing, burning processes. Details about this issue were given
thoroughly in the article which was written by Metin Erureten and
myself. 8 The relations about the applications among
the mines were their mutual services, regular control of the
sewing system, and air canals were detailed and complete in the
article.
Ragusans played an important role by cooperating with important
partners in metal commerce. Metals which were moulded in big and
small pieces were transported to the towns located in Adriatic
coasts by traders who were using carrier animal caravans.
Fundamentally, metals were evaluated and fixed according to their
purities. As it was written in 15th century documents,
a big amount of copper came to Kotara and Dubrovnik. Therefore,
Ragusans together with Germans were believed to be important
copper producers in Venice. Yet, Coper came from Rudnik in Serbia
and from Ostruznica in Bosnia. Essentially, copper was named as
“Rame” and “Bronco” as well as it was classified as hard copper
(r.durum) and pure copper (r.finum). In 1321, 328k gold cost 20.5
duka whereas, in 1518, the same amount cost 21 duka. Thus, in the
same period, 358k lead cost between 7.5 and 11 duka. 3
The
copper production in Middle Europe was 1,980 ton in 1491, 3,000
tons in 1550 and 5,000 tons in 1510. At the end of the 14th
century, copper was still used to be exported to Levant.
Similarly, Copper Mine in Kastamonu brought 150,000 duka gold in
1475. 9 Basing on the fact that this information was
accurate and by comparing it with the copper prices written above
(328k*150,000 duka/21 duka=2.342.576), we could assume that the
production of Kastamonu Kure Copper Mine was approximately 2,000
tons. Yet, this estimation needs to be analyzed thoroughly.
Because the annual income of Kure Mine was written as 2.507.400
akce in 1527 economical budget. However, this amount should be
evaluated only as the annual income of the Kure Mine.
Ragusans were closely interested in metal commerce and settled
down as commerce colonies in the mining regions. Ragusan merchants
had a certain settled superiority over the Balkans by having
regular and ongoing commercial activities. The Ottoman policies on
banning gold and silver affected metal commerce even before the
recent invasions. Therefore, after the invasions in the Balkans,
the Ottomans removed the Ragusans from the mining areas. However,
the silver flow towards Adriatic coast did not stop completely. In
the second half of the 15th century, certain amount of
silver arrived at Dubrovnik. Additionally, smuggling was common
and even some Ottomans were involved in it. Novaberde, Srebnica,
Krotova, Pristina, Serez, Salonica, Sofia were the main Ottoman
mining centers. The first three of them were widely known old and
good mines, the rest were the mines where town mining was
developed. Evidently, the Ottomans took the 8-10% as income to the
administration. Yet, this amount decreased to 8% during the reign
of Beyazid II. This amount was the most suitable and advantageous
application in that period under similar conditions. Istanbul,
Edirne, Thesseloniki, Nigbolu, Serez, Saraybosniai Skopje,
Manastir, Tirbala, Sofia and Larisa were the main cities of the
Ottomans in the Balkans. All in all, Ragusans played important
roles in the commerce done among these cities. Although the export
of mining was banned, the loss of the Ragusan Republic was
maintained by some easiness provided to them and by having some
deals with them. The details about the Ottoman and Dubrovnik
relations and commerce traffic in the Balkans were written in the
study entitled Dubrovnik and the Balkans, which was written by our
precious historian H. Inancik.10
REFERENCE
1.
S. J. Show, The Financial and Administrative
Development of Otoman Egypt, 1510-1798, Princeton Uni. Pres; 1962,
8-283-1312
2. Orhonlu,
Cengiz; Habeş Eyaleti, Ank.1996
3. Cirkovic,
Sima; Production of Gold Silver and Copper in the Central Parts of
the Balkans from 13th to 16 Cencuy, in Herman
Kallenbenz (ed) Precious Metals in the age of enpansion, Stat.,
1981
4. Pamuk
Şevket, Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Paranın Tarihi, Tarih Vakfı Yurt
Yay., 1999 İst.
5. Munro
John, The Monatary Origins of the “Prince Revolution”
www.Chase.Untronto.ca/ecipa/archieve/UT-ECIPA-MUNRO-99-02-.pdf
6. Kabaklarlı
Necdet, Mangır Osmanlı İmparatorluğu Bakır Paraları, Uşaklılar
Eğitim ve Kültür Vakfı-İst. 1998
7. Akgündüz
Ahmet;
8. Kabaklarlı
Necdet-Erüreten Metin, Osmanlı Paralarında Ölçü ve Ayar,
Kabaklarlı Necdet, Mangır Tire’de Darbedilen Osmanlı Bakır
Paraları, İst. 2007.
9.
İnalcık Halil, Doğu Batı, Makaleler I, Doğu
Batı Yay. Sayfa 171, 2005, İst.
10.
İnalcık Halil, Osmanlı
İmparatorluğu’nun Ekonomik ve Sosyal tarihi, cilt I, 2000, İst.
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